Why Caste Census is Important: Unearthing Realities and Ensuring Inclusive Justice
India, with its rich cultural diversity, also carries the deep imprints of caste-based stratification. While the Constitution of India aspires to create a casteless and egalitarian society, ground realities remain starkly different. Reservations and affirmative action policies were instituted to uplift the historically marginalized communities. However, over the years, it has become evident that the benefits of these policies have not reached all sections equally. A caste census, in this context, becomes not just a tool for enumeration, but a vehicle for social justice and policy recalibration.
What is a Caste Census?
A caste census refers to the collection of data on various caste groups in the population. While the decadal Census in India gathers data on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), it has not officially collected data on Other Backward Classes (OBCs) since 1931, the last time a comprehensive caste enumeration was conducted. The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011 collected caste data but was not made public due to concerns about accuracy and political implications.
In a democracy where resource allocation and political representation are closely linked to data, the absence of updated caste-based data results in skewed policies that may disproportionately benefit the dominant sub-castes, while the truly marginalized remain invisible.
1. Mahadalits: The Forgotten Among the Scheduled Castes
Among Scheduled Castes, a glaring disparity exists. Dominant sub-castes within SCs have been able to leverage reservations for education, jobs, and political representation. Mahadalits — a term coined in Bihar for the most oppressed and socio-economically backward sub-castes among SCs — often find themselves excluded even within the SC quota.
These communities, such as the Musahars, Chamars (in some regions), and Doms, face multiple deprivations: low literacy, abysmal health indicators, landlessness, and social ostracization. Despite decades of reservations, they remain at the bottom of the social ladder because more assertive and better-networked SC sub-castes corner most benefits. A caste census would allow the government to identify how benefits of affirmative action are distributed within SCs, enabling sub-categorization and targeted welfare.
2. OBCs and the Myth of Homogeneity
OBCs (Other Backward Classes) constitute a vast and diverse section of Indian society. Yet, they are often treated as a monolithic category in policy frameworks. In reality, the benefits of OBC reservations are largely cornered by dominant sub-castes like Yadavs, Kurmis, Vokkaligas, Jats (where considered OBC), Marathas (in certain states), and a few others.
Non-dominant OBC castes such as Tantis (weavers), Nishads (fisherfolk), Kumhars (potters), Gonds (in OBC category in some states), and many artisan and nomadic tribes continue to languish in poverty and educational backwardness. They lack the political voice and social capital to demand their rightful share.
The Mandal Commission, which first recommended OBC reservations in the 1980s, estimated the OBC population at 52%. Yet this data is now outdated, and no updated census exists to measure the actual population or the sub-caste distribution. This results in blanket policies that reward numerical strength and political clout rather than actual backwardness.
A caste census would help identify the non-dominant OBCs who remain excluded from the fruits of reservation, enabling governments to reallocate quotas based on empirical backwardness. Without data, justice is based on perception and pressure groups, not facts.
3. Pasmanda Muslims: The Invisible Majority Among Minorities
The Muslim community in India is internally divided along caste lines, although this is often obscured under the label of “minority.” The term Pasmanda, which means “those who have been left behind,” refers to backward caste Muslims — like Ansaris (weavers), Qureshis (butchers), Kalals (toddy tappers), and others.
Pasmandas constitute approximately 80-85% of Indian Muslims, but most welfare policies and political representations tend to favor upper-caste Ashraf Muslims such as Syeds, Pathans, and Sheikhs. Ashrafs have historically held control over religious leadership, madrasas, and even reserved political seats meant for the Muslim community.
Despite being part of the OBC category in many states, Pasmanda Muslims face acute educational and economic backwardness. They are often denied their share in the Muslim representation pie because of the absence of internal caste data. The Sachar Committee (2006) highlighted the Muslim community’s overall backwardness but failed to disaggregate based on caste, thus obscuring the disproportionate deprivation among Pasmandas.
A caste census including Muslim caste groups would bring much-needed visibility to Pasmanda issues, enabling targeted welfare schemes and more equitable representation within Muslim politics and reservations.
4. Governance Needs Granular Data
Modern governance thrives on data. Whether it’s building schools, allocating scholarships, designing skilling programs, or defining reservation slabs, data is fundamental. Unfortunately, caste — one of the most crucial variables affecting socio-economic mobility in India — remains under-mapped.
Without caste data:
- We do not know which castes have advanced and which remain marginalized.
- We cannot evaluate whether reservations are truly serving their purpose.
- We cannot reform existing reservation policies based on real-time evidence.
A caste census is not about entrenching caste identities, but about understanding them to dismantle inequality. Ignoring caste does not erase it from society; it merely allows entrenched elites to monopolize state resources under the guise of backwardness.
5. Political Representation and the Illusion of Equality
In electoral politics, too, dominant castes within SCs, STs, and OBCs often control representation. Reserved constituencies end up being filled by representatives from dominant sub-castes, thus alienating the truly backward.
For example, among SC-reserved constituencies, certain sub-castes dominate because of better political mobilization and party patronage. Among OBCs, powerful castes dominate regional politics and prevent lesser-known castes from rising. Without disaggregated data, electoral reforms such as rotation of reserved seats or targeted political empowerment cannot be effectively implemented.
A caste census would help correct these distortions, bringing real diversity into political representation and challenging the monopoly of dominant castes in reserved categories.
6. Merit, 50% Cap, and the Importance of Excluding the Creamy Layer
One of the most important debates surrounding caste-based reservations is how to balance social justice with meritocracy. The Supreme Court of India, in the landmark Indra Sawhney judgment (1992), capped reservations at 50%, arguing that any more would compromise the right to equality under Article 14. This cap ensures that while the disadvantaged receive affirmative support, merit and open competition are not entirely sacrificed.
The solution to extending justice without breaching this cap lies in refining the reservation system, not expanding it blindly. One effective approach is enforcing and extending the creamy layer exclusion — not just for OBCs but also for SCs and STs. The idea of a creamy layer is to exclude those who have already benefited from reservations and have attained a degree of socio-economic advancement.
In recent years, many scholars and policymakers have supported the extension of the creamy layer to SCs and STs. A caste census would provide the empirical foundation needed to implement this. By identifying those within reserved categories who are no longer deprived, and redirecting benefits toward the truly needy, the state can ensure justice without overburdening the reservation system.
In fact, enforcing the creamy layer rule strictly would allow intra-reservation equity while upholding the 50% constitutional ceiling. It would also help calm anxieties around “merit suffering,” which is often cited by opponents of caste-based affirmative action.
Conclusion: Data for Justice, Not Division
Critics argue that a caste census could deepen caste divisions. But caste divisions already exist — in land ownership, educational access, job opportunities, and social mobility. A caste census would not create new divisions but expose old ones so that they can be addressed systematically.
Mahadalits, non-dominant OBCs, and Pasmanda Muslims are testimony to how blanket policies often favor dominant groups within marginalized communities. Simultaneously, India must uphold meritocracy and prevent elite capture within the reserved categories. This can only be achieved by enforcing creamy layer exclusions, refining policy, and keeping the reservation limit at a reasonable threshold like 50%.
A caste census is thus not just an administrative exercise but a moral imperative. If India wants to move toward true social justice — without compromising merit or unity — it must first be honest about who is being left behind. And that begins with counting everyone.
Comments are closed.